Dr.DEBESH BHOWMIK

Dr.DEBESH BHOWMIK

Monday 27 April 2015

How the Nepal Earthquake Happened


How the Nepal Earthquake Happened

A little before noon Saturday in Nepal, a chunk of rock about 9 miles below the earth’s surface shifted, unleashing a shock wave—described as being as powerful as the explosion of more than 20 thermonuclear weapons—that ripped through the Katmandu Valley.
In geological terms, the tremor occurred like clockwork, 81 years after the region’s last earthquake of such a magnitude, in 1934.
Records dating to 1255 indicate the region—known as the Indus-Yarlung suture zone—experiences a magnitude-8 earthquake approximately every 75 years, according to a report by Nepal’s National Society for Earthquake Technology.
The reason is the regular movement of the fault line that runs along Nepal’s southern border, where the Indian subcontinent collided with the Eurasia plate 40 million to 50 million years ago. 
Damage from Saturday’s earthquake in Katmandu, Nepal. Photo: Agence France-Presse/Getty Images 
 
“The collision between India and Eurasia is a showcase for geology,” said Lung S. Chan, a geophysicist at the University of Hong Kong. The so-called India plate is pushing its way north toward Asia at a rate of about 5 centimeters, or 2 inches, a year, he said. “Geologically speaking, that’s very fast.”
As the plates push against each other, friction generates stress and energy that builds until the crust ruptures, said Dr. Chan, who compared the quake to a thermonuclear weapons explosion. In the case of Saturday’s quake, the plate jumped forward about 2 meters, or 6.5 feet, said Hongfeng Yang, an earthquake expert at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.
Saturday’s quake was also relatively shallow, according to the U.S. Geological Survey. Such quakes tend to cause more damage and more aftershocks than those that occur deeper below the earth’s surface.
After an earthquake, the plates resume moving and the clock resets. “Earthquakes dissipate energy, like lifting the lid off a pot of boiling water,” said Dr. Chan. “But it builds back up after you put the lid back on.”
Earthquakes dissipate energy, like lifting the lid off a pot of boiling water. But it builds back up after you put the lid back on.
—Lung S. Chan, geophysicist at the University of Hong Kong
Nepal is prone to destructive earthquakes, not only because of the massive forces involved in the tectonic collision, but also because of the type of fault line the country sits on. Normal faults create space when the ground cracks and separates. Nepal lies on a so-called thrust fault, where one tectonic plate forces itself on top of another.
The most visible result of this is the Himalayan mountain range. The fault runs along the 1,400-mile range, and the constant collision of the India and Eurasia plates pushes up the height of the peaks by about a centimeter each year.

Despite the seeming regularity of severe earthquakes in Nepal, it isn’t possible to predict when one will happen. Historic records and modern measurements of tectonic plate movement show that if the pressure builds in the region in a way that is “generally consistent and homogenous,” the region should expect a severe earthquake every four to five decades, Dr. Yang said.
The complexity of the forces applying pressure at the fault means scientists are incapable of predicting more than an average number of earthquakes that a region will experience in a century, experts say.
Still, earthquakes in Nepal are more predictable than most, because of the regular movement of the plates. Scientists aren’t sure why this is.
The earth’s tectonics plates are constantly in motion. Some faults release built-up stress in the form of earthquakes. Others release that energy quietly. “Some areas, like Nepal, release energy as a large earthquake, once in a while,” said Dr. Chan. “These regions all have different natures for reasons geologists don’t really know.”

Friday 24 April 2015

Reinvigorate Trade to Boost Global Economic Growth

 

Reinvigorate Trade to Boost Global Economic Growth

By Christine Lagarde, Managing Director, IMF
Address at the U.S. Ex-Im Bank Conference
Washington, DC, April 23, 2015


Good afternoon. I would like to thank Susan Axelrod for her kind introduction, and thank you to the U.S. Ex-Im Bank for giving me the opportunity to speak about the importance of expanding global trade – especially at this point in time.
Let me start by saying something that often gets lost in the nitty-gritty of trade discussions. If you care about growth and innovation; if you care about jobs and the real incomes of the middle-class; if you care about poverty reduction and greater economic fairness; if you do care about all these things, you need to be serious about fostering global trade.
The IMF cares deeply about these issues and has been committed to the idea of open trade that is – ideally – underpinned by multilateral agreements and institutions. More than 70 years ago, the founding fathers of the IMF created an institution that was designed to prevent a return to the self-defeating economic policies of the Great Depression – including trade protectionism and competitive currency devaluations.
Let me quote Article 1 of the IMF’s Articles of Agreement: “The purpose of the IMF is to facilitate the expansion and balanced growth of international trade, and to contribute thereby to the promotion and maintenance of high levels of employment and real income.”
Fast-forward to the global financial crisis of 2008, which marked the latest turning point in global trade. When that crisis struck, trade protectionism became the dog that did not bark. Contrary to some expectations, the world did not see a rampant rise in old-style trade barriers. And trade volumes rebounded after a sharp initial drop. This was a reflection of the unprecedented level of international cooperation that prevented a global economic meltdown.
But the financial crisis has helped put a damper on growth in global trade. 2015 is likely to mark the fourth consecutive year of below-average trade growth, with at least one more year of disappointing growth to come, according to the latest WTO predictions.
In other words, one of the engines of global economic growth has slowed down, because of cyclical forces but also because of structural factors. This trend must be reversed.
Reinvigorating trade is not just a “nice-to-have”. It is an “essential-to-have” – to help prevent what I have called the “new mediocre” of low growth over a long period. This is why the international community, including the G-20, is pushing for trade reforms as part of a comprehensive policy package to lift growth and employment.
With this in mind, I would like to touch on three issues:
  • Why do we need a better trade engine?
  • How can we shift global trade into a higher gear?
  • Which trade policies should economies pursue?
1. Why do we need a more powerful trade engine?
Let me start by briefly outlining the case for a better trade engine. This audience knows it well, but sometimes we get so involved in the details that the big picture gets lost. Trade is good for growth. How?
a. Reforms – including new trade agreements – encourage countries to further specialize in the goods and services in which they have a comparative advantage. By using their existing resources more efficiently, they can help lift world production and consumption.
In other words: specialize in what you do best, trade for the rest. The classic gains from this strategy include lower prices for consumers and companies – and therefore higher real incomes – and a greater variety of goods and services available for purchase.
b. Trade reforms can also have a powerful indirect effect on growth by igniting and amplifying other structural reforms. For example:
  • Trade reforms can increase external competition in product and services markets.
  • They can encourage key infrastructure investments – think of new ports and new roads.
  • They can spur innovation through R&D and “learning by exporting”.
  • And they can strengthen institutions by encouraging better governance and a better business environment.
c. All this would help policymakers to reverse the decline in productivity growth in advanced economies and boost productivity in emerging and developing economies. Recent IMF research shows that lower productivity is a key driver of declining potential growth rates in advanced economies and – perhaps even more so – in emerging market economies.
What this means is that we have reduced our estimate of the speed limit at which economies can currently drive. In advanced economies, for example, potential annual growth fell to 1.5 percent in the past two years, down from 2.2 percent in 2001-07. Reversing this trend is essential to lift global growth over the medium term.
d. In summary, open trade is an important contributor to job creation. As you, Fred [Hochberg] said yourself, “millions of American workers have jobs that depend on trade”. In 2014, for example, exports of goods and services directly and indirectly supported an estimated 11.7 million U.S. jobs. And by encouraging greater specialization, trade fosters industries that are more competitive and, therefore, more sustainable.
And let’s not forget the impact of trade on global poverty reduction. Hundreds of millions of people have been lifted out of poverty over the past three decades.
2. How can you shift global trade into a higher gear?
So, I think there is a compelling case for a better trade engine. But how can policymakers shift global trade into a higher gear – my second point.
For at least three decades before the 2008 financial crisis, global trade regularly grew at twice the rate of the global economy. It is now expanding at – or below – the rate of the global economy. This slowdown is largely because of two structural changes in global trade.
a. One is the maturing of existing global value chains – in North America, Europe, and Southeast Asia – while new value chains are not being formed.
To reverse this trend, policymakers need to unlock the trade potential of other regions. South America, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and the Middle East and North Africa: these are the regions that would greatly benefit from being better integrated into global value chains. It would be good for them and good for the world.
b. The second factor holding back trade growth is the slowdown in trade liberalization in recent years. For example, multilateral negotiations have stalled, and regional trade initiatives have not matched the transformative effect of, say, the North American Free Trade Agreement.
This is why policymakers need to press ahead with negotiations on the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the TPP, as well as on its transatlantic cousin, the TTIP.
Research by the Peterson Institute finds that the TPP could boost world income by $295 billion per year over the next decade. It also finds that the TTP would raise U.S. incomes by 0.4 percent, or $77 billion, per year. The U.S. could gain a comparable amount from TTIP, according to estimates by the European Union.
We all know there are considerable discussions over the models that are being used to generate these hard numbers. But I think we get the point:
  • Recent developments in the U.S. Senate suggest that these important trade deals can be areas of cooperation between the Congress and the President.
  • On the other side of the Atlantic, progress on trade would be immensely helpful in lifting growth and confidence in the European Union.
  • The Japanese government is also keen to use the TPP to inject greater competition into its low-growth economy.
  • And emerging and developing economies would benefit from better integration into the global economy.
So, on all sides, there are good incentives to cut deals. Political leadership is now needed to push these deals over the finish line.
c. The same goes for the WTO deal struck in Bali at the end of 2013. This agreement, if fully implemented, would cut trade costs and deliver an economic boost of US$1 trillion annually. The Bali deal is particularly important for developing economies because of its focus on trade facilitation, which involves reducing red tape and streamlining customs.
Let me be clear: there are signs of progress on trade. But the global community can – and should – be much more ambitious.
3. Which trade policies should economies pursue?
Which brings me to my third point – what are the trade policies that economies should pursue?
The IMF has recently reviewed its own policy advice to make sure that trade remains an essential element of our operational work. This includes our technical assistance and our annual assessments of our members’ economies.
Of course, policy advice has to be country-specific. But let me give you our view on three broad categories:
First, most advanced economies will be largely focusing on the “21st century trade issues” such as opening services markets and making regulatory systems more coherent. The TPP is a good example because it seeks to address crucial issues such as intellectual property protection and treatment of state-owned enterprises.
Second, many emerging market economies, especially in South Asia and Latin America, can still benefit greatly from integrating into the global economy through traditional trade liberalization. This may include unilateral efforts to open up trade and encourage foreign direct investment, especially in infrastructure. In Asia, in this decade alone, overall national infrastructure investment needs are estimated to be $8 trillion.
Third, for developing economies, trade and integration into global value chains should be a central plank of their development and growth strategies. Again, trade facilitation will be key. The IMF stands ready to support this transition to a less protected environment. Think of the fiscal implications of lower tariffs and the challenges of sequencing reforms. On all this, the Fund can provide hands-on advice and training.
Conclusion
Let me conclude by quoting one of the sharpest thinkers of his generation. Two hundred years ago, the French philosopher Montesquieu said – and I will give you the French version first:
“Le commerce guérit des préjugés destructeurs: & c’est presque une règle générale que, partout où il y a des mœurs douces, il y a du commerce; & que, partout où il y a du commerce, il y a des mœurs douces.”
“Trade is the best cure for prejudice. It is an almost general rule that, wherever there is good citizenship, there is trade, and that, wherever there is trade, there is good citizenship.”
The most destructive economic prejudice is trade protectionism. Policymakers must remain vigilant about the old-style, in-your-face protectionism and about the new protectionism that is based on non-tariff measures.
Smart efforts to reduce and dismantle these barriers should be strongly supported. This is why the IMF welcomes preferential trade deals such as the TTP – which we believe should eventually be open to other countries that meet its requirements.
The key question is how to make preferential deals more coherent with multilateral efforts. How can we achieve eventual multilateralization – preferably in the context of the World Trade Organization? How can we avoid trade fragmentation – the “spaghetti bowl” of competing regimes and preferences?
I strongly believe that global deals deliver far more than any other approach. Rather than simply bolstering existing trade connections, multilateral deals allow new trading relationships to be formed. They are a global solution to a global challenge.
The last major global trade agreement is now 20 years old. The world can do better than that. As I said at the beginning, if you care about growth, you need to be serious about global trade. It is now time to get serious about trade.
Thank you.

Tuesday 7 April 2015

India's Saving Investment Gap




 

India’s saving investment gap




India’s saving rate at % of GDP is increasing at the rate of 2.10% per year from 2000 to 2012 , on the other hand  , Investment as % of GDP  is stepping up at the rate of 3.70% per year during the same period. This domestic imbalance creates several problems in macro  economic variables which ultimately produces disequilibrium of the economy.India’s saving Investment gap is accelerating since 2004 ,but it was favourable before 2004.In the figure the blue line shows the investment rate where as red line is the saving rate .It is very much clear in the figure that the gap is widening .
          The government should observe this situation seriously and take appropriate measure to restore balance in domestic economy. In China, Korea and in some other Asian economies the situation is reverse, that why they are easily overcoming the external balance. If we are able to balance this fundamental gap ,then we may tackle the unemployment problem more easily. Fiscal policy alone cannot make up this gap but needed suitable  monetary policy also. Obviously , the integration of external balance policy as well as fiscal monetary policy will be justified.Moreover, nobody cares.
   

Friday 27 March 2015

Climate change and its impact on the economy of Sundarban



Climate change and its impact on the economy of Sundarban
Debesh Bhowmik
(INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES,KOLKATA)
 Key words- Climate change , Sundarban , plan of action

JEL- O13,O21, Q54, Q58

Abstract
This paper draws attention to the brief account of the economy of Sundarban on which the effects of climate change due to global warming have been studied through the rise of sea level, sea surface temperature variation, variability of rainfall, behavior of cyclonic storms, destruction of mangrove, net decrease of area of land including forest area, increased in salinity, bulk of erosion, all of which induced to fall down the yields of agriculture and allied products including NTFP. All these impacts of climate change in Sundarban have negative influences on the access of food and livelihood.
The Government of India and Government of West Bengal with the help of the World Bank and India Canada Environment facility have undertaken several projects to revitalize environment and sustainable development of Sundarban with a great emphasis on objectives of 12th Five Year Plan amending the 1991 Coastal Regulation Zone. Some experts’ recommendations like Coastal forestation, marine management, remote sensing and GIS technology and to construct a barriage across the downstream of Ganges-Gorai junction to store water for feeding into the Gorai river etc have been emphasized by the Government of India. 

*****See Full Paper at 
ARTHA BEEKSHAN - VOL-23, NO-2,SEPTEMBER,2014, PAGE-75-92

Sunday 22 March 2015







Dr.Debesh Bhowmik is presenting the following paper  in the 35th Annual conference of Bengal Economic Association in Ramkrishna Mission Vivekananda University ,Narendrapur Campus on 22March,2015

BANGLADESH-INDIA TRADE FINANCIAL INTEGRATION LINKAGE
Dr.Debesh Bhowmik
(International Institute for Development Studies,Kolkata.Associate Editor, Arthabeekshan-the journal of Bengal Economic Association)
Key Words – trade financial integration linkage , cointegration, VAR,
JEL- C5,C32, F14,F15
Abstract
This paper seeks to explain the linkage between Bangladesh-India  trade and financial integration during the period of 1997-2014.To explore the linkage, the cointegration and VAR model have been tested between the Bangladesh-India export and Bangladesh India export GDP ratio and the indicators of financial indicators of Bangladesh viz, GDP growth rate, trade openness ,exchange rate of Rupee with US Dollar. Bangladesh’s FDI inflows and international reserves etc.The Engle and Granger(1987) test  of cointegration did  find poor linkage but the Johansen (1996) test of cointegration showed the similar results with one exception,ie, cointegration between Bangladesh’s ’s export/GDP ratio to India  with the indicators of financial indicators has only two cointegrating vectors. The above findings were tested through VAR model which showed that Impulse Response Function and variance decomposition emerged divergence including the stability tests ( Autocorrelation test, ARCH test and Normality test) of the residuals which are insignificant in both the cases of Bangladesh’s export to India  or Bangladesh’s export/GDP ratio to India .Thus poor linkage was verified which is unstable. Even the VECM showed that errors are corrected only for capital inflows insignificantly per year.  It was found because of nonconvergence of indicators of financial integration.

Tuesday 17 March 2015

ASEAN-China Environmental Cooperation Forum-2014

ASEAN-China Environmental Cooperation Forum 2014


 President Xi Jinping (right) visits the Chinese National Engineering Research Center for Control and Treatment of Heavy Metal Pollution at Central South University in Changsha, Hunan Province, on November 4, 2013 (WANG YE)
  Among the 40,000 or so residents in Dapu Town in Hengyang, central China's Hunan Province, more than 300 children were diagnosed with excessive lead in their blood earlier this year. In the most severe cases, blood lead levels hit 322 micrograms per liter, far exceeding the limits of the healthy range—100 micrograms per liter. Since it is difficult to rid oneself of heavy metals through normal metabolization, the harm they inflict on these children could conceivably continue for years.
  While the pursuit of effective approaches to alleviate environmental pollution are underway, similar scandals such as the German village of Wewelsfleth, dubbed "the village of cancer patients" as virtually every household in the area contains a member afflicted by the condition, have continued to rear their ugly head in almost every corner of the world, especially in relatively less developed countries and regions.
  On September 17 and 18, carrying the theme "National Strategy and Regional Cooperation for Sustainable Development: New Challenges and New Opportunities," the ASEAN-China Environmental Cooperation Forum 2014 was held in Nanning, south China's Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region.
  With the participation of more than 200 experts, entrepreneurs and government leaders from across the world, more opportunities have been created to facilitate exchanges of information and to introduce the relevant expertise and technologies to China.
  "The Asia-Pacific region has contributed greatly to the momentum of the world economic recovery and sustainable growth. However, global challenges such as climate change, ecological degradation and the energy crisis have become increasingly formidable, calling for global economic and environmental governance," said Li Ganjie, China's Vice Minister of Environmental Protection, at the opening ceremony of the forum.
  Teaming up in Guangxi
  Since the forum was established three years ago, it has served as an important platform for high-level dialogues concerning environmental policies and cooperation. To reinforce regional green development, Li suggested pushing for the establishment of a regional community of environmental cooperation by building a "green maritime silk road" through concerted efforts of all concerned parties, shaping a multi-layer cooperative network through intensifying policy exchanges and capacity improvement, and taking the initiative to extend partnership on environment-related technological and industrial cooperation.
  At the opening ceremony, Vice Chairman of the Guangxi Regional Government Tang Renjian, expressed hopes for the creation of a new pattern of cooperation to make regional sustainable development a reality.
  Tang held that China and the ASEAN should promote the establishment of a green development demonstration area and focus on the development of low-carbon recycling economy, agritourism, as well as intensifying green trade and cooperation. Beyond that, he opined more input should be generated in terms of bilateral exchanges on biological diversity and ecological protection.
  Inar Ichsana Ishak, Assistant Minister of Socio-Cultural and Environment Health of Indonesia, believed that all-round cooperation encompassing green food production and infrastructure should be carried out to achieve sustainable urban development. "In recent years, Indonesia has adjusted related legislation and policies to solve environmental problems," she said.
  ASEAN members and China are facing three historic opportunities in intensifying environmental sustainability, said Kaveh Zahedi, UN Environment Programme (UNEP) Regional Director for Asia and the Pacific. "The prospective China-ASEAN economic community will propel the region into an engine for world economy and for green growth, which will significantly benefit local people," he said.
  Sanath Ranawana, a senior specialist on natural resources management from the Asian Development Bank, suggested that the bank be prepared to give further consideration to regional cooperation and investment in building cross-border natural protection areas and safeguarding biological diversity.
  Land contamination
  A survey released in April by China's Ministry of Environmental Protection and Ministry of Land and Resources showed that 16.1 percent of the country's land had been affected by heavy metal contamination. It revealed that the quality of arable land in the wastelands of mining and metallurgical industries is worrisome.
  Among all inorganic pollutants, heavy metals, a term referring to metals that weigh over 5 grams per cubic centimeter, present the greatest danger to the health of animals, plants and human beings. If mercury is absorbed by the root system of a plant and then disseminated, its leaves, flowers and stems will typically turn brown or black, its growth will be retarded and more importantly, its fruits will contain mercury.
  "In China, land contamination is characterized by the coexistence of new and old pollutants and the mixture of organic and inorganic pollutants," said Zhang Weili, a research fellow with the Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences.
  Aside from the development of mining and mineral industries, agriculture is another source of pollution, for most Chinese farmers are preoccupied with the effects of chemical fertilizers on grain output.
  Zhang Fusuo, a professor at the College of Resources and Environmental Sciences at the Beijing-based China Agricultural University, pointed out that China only accounts for 10 percent of the total arable land in the world, but consumes more than one third of the total chemical fertilizers used. While its grain output grew 150 percent from 1980 to 2008, its consumption of chemical manure also tripled.
  Soil pollution affects the quality of surface and underground water, and contaminates agricultural products. However, the treatment of pollution necessitates huge inputs of funds and resources.
  At present, most related remediation technologies are still in the experimental stage, and thus far, there has been no case of successful heavy metal pollution treatment in China, said Liu Shuai with the Hunan Provincial Environmental Protection and Resources Conservation Commission.
  "China's environmental sustainability has captured the attention of overseas Chinese entrepreneurs who are willing to shepherd funds into related fields such as the research and development of environmentally sound technologies," said Qiao Lihua, an overseas Chinese who migrated to the United States in 1986 and went on to found his own real estate company.
  "On the front of heavy metal pollution treatment, China is in its infancy, we can bring about our technologies and share it with Chinese and ASEAN people," said Michael Gianchetta, Vice President of Gianco, an environmental services company in the United States.
  Gianchetta said that the United States has accumulated rich experience and developed advanced technologies in the field of heavy metal pollution prevention and control, which have been employed in the effective treatment of mining and metallurgical wastes. "We are expecting more concerted efforts from China as well as ASEAN members in combating heavy metal pollution," he added.

Friday 13 March 2015

Finder of Financial Fault Lines

Finder of Financial Fault Lines

Finance & Development, March 2015, Vol. 52, No. 1
Laura Wallace profiles Raghuram Rajan, the prescient finance economist now steering India’s central bank
Raghuram Rajan, now the head of India’s central bank, was the IMF’s youngest, and first nonwestern, chief economist.
But when Rajan, then 40, turned up at the IMF’s Washington headquarters in 2003, many of his peers thought he had entered the wrong building. The finance professor from the University of Chicago was reporting to work as the new economic counsellor and director of the Research Department. But although he was a highly regarded finance economist, he was filling a job that had always been held by a leading macroeconomist. And to the macroeconomists who populate the IMF, Rajan was an unknown entity.
But the IMF picked Rajan for a reason: it wanted to build up its financial expertise in the wake of the Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s. Anne Krueger, then the IMF’s second in command as first deputy managing director, had recently read a book Rajan coauthored with Luigi Zingales, Saving Capitalism from the Capitalists (2003), so she called Rajan. When asked if he would be interested in being chief economist, Rajan says he told her: “Well, Anne, I don’t know any macroeconomics.” To which Krueger joked, “Neither do I.” He decided to give it a shot and flew out for an interview.
A decade later, when Rajan reported for his first day as governor of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), no one doubted that he had entered the right building. It was as if all his academic work since his 1991 doctoral thesis on the dangers of cozy bank-firm relationships had been leading up to this day. Plus his stint at the IMF had given him valuable experience, not only in policymaking but in engaging with advanced economies. As one former colleague puts it, Rajan can stand his ground because “he isn’t in awe” of the major industrial powers. In addition, he was one of the few economists to have warned about the risks of financial innovation well before a devastating financial crisis hit the United States in 2007 and then disrupted the global economy.
The demands on, and expectations for, Rajan are high—domestically and globally. He is leading India’s central bank as the country tries to regain its economic momentum, and policymakers around the world look to him for guidance on reforming the global financial system. Unsurprisingly, the Chicago professor advocates free markets, but, as he wrote in the 2003 book, he also views the market as “a fragile institution, charting a narrow path between the Scylla of overweening government interference and the Charybdis of too little government support.”
That said, it is difficult to put Rajan into a particular economic camp. He likes to call himself “a pragmatist.” As he tells F&D: “It’s not just economics but the political layer that is imposed over it that determines outcomes—and the political layer is much less well understood than the economics. So when you combine the two, basically it’s a process of navigation. How do I make sure that sensible economics prevails?”

Saving capitalism

Rajan was born in Bhopal, in central India, in 1963, but spent much of his early youth in Indonesia, Sri Lanka, and Belgium (his father was with the foreign office) before returning to India at age 11. He says his fascination with finance dates to his graduate school days at the Indian Institute of Management in Ahmedabad, which followed a bachelor’s in engineering from the Indian Institute of Technology in Delhi. He recalls reading Nobel laureate Robert Merton’s theory of rational options pricing (a formula for evaluating options, which are contracts that give a buyer the right to buy or sell a financial asset at a set price in the future). He was struck, he said, not only by the theory’s “mathematical elegance” but also by “its usefulness in the real world.” In 1991, he received a doctorate in finance at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Sloan School of Management and became an assistant professor at the University of Chicago’s Booth School of Business—both institutions that attracted the top options-pricing researchers.
For most of the next 12 years, Rajan would make Booth his home, teaching banking and finance while undertaking much-cited work with such colleagues as Doug Diamond and Zingales. In January 2003, Rajan won the American Finance Association’s inaugural Fischer Black Prize for the leading finance researcher under 40, for “path-breaking contributions to our knowledge of financial institutions, the workings of the modern corporation, and the causes and consequences of the development of the financial sector across countries.”
The prize announcement noted that “even while many economists were extolling the virtues of bank finance, Rajan pointed out in his influential Ph.D. thesis that there might be a downside to cozy bank-firm relationships of the kind that one saw in Japan.” It goes on to cite his work with Diamond that “knits together the microtheory of banking with macroeconomic theory,” along with shedding more light on “the role banks play in the provision of liquidity, why this function makes banks so prone to systemic crises, and why changes in monetary policy have such a significant effect on bank lending.” And it cited his work with Zingales that provided “a new method of pinpointing the effect of institutions on economic growth” and showed that “industries dependent on external finance grow faster in countries that have a more developed financial system,” thereby helping to “debunk the belief that a country’s financial system is a sideshow with little effect on its economic growth.”
Rajan and Zingales built on these findings in their 2003 book, which argues that many countries have underdeveloped financial systems because of the political opposition of the elite, who fear losing their position if access to finance becomes freer and they face competition. Rajan believes that the book is just as relevant today given the post–financial crisis swing into what he considers “overtaxed and overregulated economies,” when what is really needed is “to keep our economies flexible to find the solutions.”
Rajan would go on to win numerous other awards, including India’s Infosys Prize for Social Sciences-Economics in 2011 and the Deutsche Bank Prize in Financial Economics in 2013. At the Frankfurt award ceremony, Diamond, one of the presenters, said Rajan’s work “always is done with a clear view of how the research topics and the results can help make the world a better place.” He also called Rajan “incredibly fair” and “the voice of reason in our faculty”—noting that at the University of Chicago, and especially at Booth, “he has hardly an enemy despite taking strong positions on controversial views.”

From academia to the IMF

In August 2003, Rajan took over as IMF chief economist from Harvard’s well-known Kenneth Rogoff. Rajan admits that “it was an interesting transition.” He recalls, with a smile, that “the reaction was—after Ken Rogoff, this gigantic macroeconomist—‘Who’s this guy?’ You know, ‘Rajan who?’” He says that “one of the first things that I had to establish was that I knew some macroeconomics,” and he worked hard to keep—and attract—a good team. “When people started wanting to come in [to the Research Department], I realized that we had turned the corner.”
With the global economy relatively calm—the turmoil finally subsiding from an Argentine default at the end of 2001—Rajan was able to step up financial sector research and explore how to integrate financial sector issues into the IMF’s economic country models. This might have seemed doable given that the IMF already had models for handling fiscal and monetary issues. But creating a model for financial issues turned out to be much tougher. As a result, while Rajan is credited with laying the groundwork, the issue is still very much a work in progress, not just for IMF researchers but for hundreds of academics.
The big difference is that a decade ago creating such a model lacked urgency, whereas now it is a high priority. As Rajan wrote in a Project Syndicate column in August 2013: “In the run-up to the 2008 financial crisis, macroeconomists tended to assume away the financial sector in their models of advanced economies. With no significant financial crisis since the Great Depression, it was convenient to take for granted that the financial plumbing worked in the background. Models, thus simplified, suggested policies that seemed to work—that is, until the plumbing backed up. And the plumbing malfunctioned because herd behavior—shaped by policies in ways that we are only now coming to understand—overwhelmed it.”
IMF Chief Economist Olivier Blanchard says that “we’ve made a lot of progress in how we look at the financial system, at isolating some kinds of risks, and getting the data that allow us to do more work in real time. But it’s not as if we have a complete understanding of the issues, and the integration of the two is progressing but it’s not there yet.” The fundamental problem, Blanchard says, is that “we’re not sure what financial stability means.” He also worries that a macrofinancial model could remain elusive—that “it’s going to be a cat-and-mouse game forever”—because “maybe if we identify the risks today, maybe in two years it’s a different set of risks in a different part” of the financial system.
What makes Rajan a key figure in these financial debates is what some colleagues say is his ability to see the forest for the trees. Stijn Claessens, an assistant director of the IMF’s Research Department, says Rajan is one of “a small set of people who academically as well as professionally have the skills to be able to talk about macroeconomics and know finance in the sense of the institutional details, plus see the links and how they interface and work together.” Says Chicago’s Anil Kashyap (also a Rajan coauthor): “The arguments about setting interest rates are usually pretty simple. In contrast, the evolving debate over how to deliver financial stability is much more nuanced, in part because we do not have a standard workhorse model to rely upon. Raghu has the great advantage of having a clear vision of the financial system and what does well and where it poses challenges. I think this is why he has been at the forefront of many of the financial stability debates.”

Showdown at Jackson Hole

Not that Rajan’s vision is always well received. In August 2005, he came in for heavy criticism following what turned out to be a prescient speech about the dangers lurking in the financial system. He was invited to speak on how the financial system had evolved under Alan Greenspan (the soon-to-retire chairman of the Federal Reserve Board) at the annual symposium of central bankers and other high-powered economists in Jackson Hole, Wyoming. He says he had expected to find that the dramatic expansion in financial markets had reduced the risks for banks, but instead, the figures that his staff assembled showed the opposite.
With Greenspan in the audience, Rajan delivered a talk based on his paper “Has Financial Development Made the World Riskier?” He warned that recent financial innovations (such as credit default swaps, which act as insurance against bond defaults) could create “a greater (albeit still small) probability of a catastrophic meltdown.” This message did not go down well in some quarters. Former U.S. Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers called Rajan’s premise “slightly Luddite” and “largely misguided.” Federal Reserve Board Vice Chairman Donald Kohn suggested that Rajan was nostalgic for the old days of bank-dominated systems—which Rajan strongly denied.
Rajan has written that he left Wyoming with some unease—not because of the criticism, but because “the critics seemed to be ignoring what was going on before their eyes” (see box). Several years later, his warning came true: the U.S. market for subprime mortgage securities began to implode in 2007, leading to the global financial crisis.

Not ready for the red flags

Was there anything Raghuram Rajan could have done to ensure that his message was heard at Jackson Hole? He thinks not, for two reasons.
First, economic times were good, so it was difficult to persuade people to take steps that might slow growth to address a low-probability risk. After all, the Federal Reserve had just dealt with the dot-com crisis by pumping liquidity into the market, and there was a widely held view that “if another crisis erupted, it could be dealt with in the same way—even though the problem this time was bank credit, not a loss of market value,” he tells F&D.
Second, the remarks were delivered at a fete honoring Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, who held a widely shared belief “that the key players in the financial system had no incentive to go off track”—and trying to convince the audience otherwise was a tall order. “These are smart guys. They’re from Goldman Sachs. They’re from JPMorgan. They’re paid a ton of money. They’re the smartest kids in the room. Why would they blow up their business? And who are we, you know, low-paid regulators, thinking that we know more about their business than they do? And the answer is no, we don’t know more about their business than they do, but we have different incentives. They’re locked into this competitive frenzy. And we’re the guys who can stop them.”
Of course, Rajan’s time at the IMF was about far more than Jackson Hole. He says it was a tremendous on-the-job learning experience during which he sharpened his macroeconomic skills. He also immersed himself in the art of global economic policymaking—for example, leading a team to try to help some major economies reduce their huge (and unprecedented) balance of payments imbalances. It was also his first stint as a manager—a hundred people worked for him in the Research Department. But that number must now seem incredibly small, as he oversees 17,000 staffers at the RBI.
Former IMF colleagues say that what is so remarkable about Rajan is his humility, integrity, and intellectual curiosity and rigor. Jonathan Ostry, a deputy director of the Research Department, says that Rajan “will let people go forward with their ideas, giving them virtually all of the credit, even when he had significant input.” He was also “willing to take controversial positions both internally and, within the limits of his position, externally, to an extent that, frankly, I’d never seen before.”
In December 2006, with his IMF contract done, Rajan returned to Chicago, where he had the time and academic freedom to delve further into the repercussions of financial innovation. The result was Fault Lines, which won the Financial Times and Goldman Sachs prize for best business book in 2010. Rajan cautions against making the financial sector (“bankers gone mad”) the scapegoat for the crisis, because the blame rests with complex and wide-ranging fault lines that include
● domestic political pressures (arising from income inequality) that create easy credit;
● export-led growth strategies (as in China, Germany, and Japan) that rely on indebted U.S. consumers; and
● greater financial risk-taking fed by a belief that governments will save the day.

Back to India

Rajan may have made his career in the United States, but he never forgot India, making it a frequent topic of speeches and research. He says that he was drawn to economics because it offered a way to help India enter the “pantheon of nations.” In 2008 he got the chance to help shape India’s financial sector when he chaired a high-level government committee on financial sector reforms. The committee report, “A Hundred Small Steps,” suggested that the RBI should target a single objective—low and stable inflation—rather than juggling multiple mandates (such as inflation, the exchange rate, and capital flows).
It also proposed that India promote the availability of financial services—including credit, saving, and insurance products—to a wider number of people (especially in rural areas, where most people lack access to formal sources of credit and insurance); reduce the heavy government presence in the banking system; and step up foreign participation in its financial markets.
In September 2013, he took the helm at the RBI, after five years of advising Prime Minister Manmohan Singh from Chicago and a year as chief economic advisor in the Finance Ministry in Mumbai. At that point, India’s markets were in turmoil because of rising inflation, large fiscal and current account deficits, and a slowdown in growth. But he moved quickly to stabilize the rupee, reduce inflation sharply, and build up foreign exchange reserves—earning him the sobriquet “rock star” in the local media. He also wasted no time in laying the groundwork for adopting an inflation target and is pursuing many other reforms suggested in “A Hundred Small Steps.”
Rajan’s hope is that the RBI can help India create jobs by ensuring macroeconomic stability. In the process, World Bank Chief Economist Kaushik Basu hopes that Rajan can encourage the RBI to be “a bit more experimental.” Basu, who preceded Rajan as India’s chief economic advisor, says emerging market economies need not rely so heavily on the monetary practices that worked well in the major industrial countries, although the risks of central banking efforts to guide an economy are such that “most central banks play it tame by going by those rules.” Basu says central banks might say, “This policy worked very well in a rich country but may not work well in my country, and I’m going to try a slightly different intervention in the interest rates,” playing around “with new policies to see if they work. Raghu is in a position to do that given his background.”
In global financial circles, Rajan made headlines early in 2014, when he told Bloomberg TV India that “international monetary cooperation has broken down”—a reference to the Federal Reserve’s indication that it was contemplating withdrawing some of the stimulus it had employed to reinvigorate the U.S. economy. Later, he publicly scolded the major central banks for focusing solely on what was good for their own economies without taking into account the financial turmoil their low-interest-rate policies were unleashing in emerging market economies. These economies had to cope with massive inflows of funds seeking higher yields. And he is calling for central banks in countries that are the source of those funds “to reinterpret their mandates to consider the medium-term effects of recipient countries’ policy responses, such as sustained exchange rate intervention.”
As Rajan put it in a June 2013 lecture at the Bank for International Settlements: “In a world integrated by massive capital flows, monetary policy in large countries serves as a common accelerator pedal for the globe. One’s car might languish in a deep ditch even when the accelerator pedal is fully pressed down, but the rest of the world might be pushed way beyond the speed limit. If there is little way for countries across the globe to avoid the spillover effects of unconventional policies emanating from the large central banks, should the large central banks internalize these spillovers? How? And will it be politically possible?”
Rajan now has an opportunity afforded few academics—to put in practice what he has long preached. The RBI (as well as central banks in other emerging market economies) may not be the most powerful car on the block, but for Rajan, this chance to be an exemplary driver is the opportunity of a lifetime!